Israel is entering one of its most volatile political moments in decades as a fierce national dispute over conscripting ultra-Orthodox men threatens to fracture the governing coalition and deepen social rifts across the country.
The debate has escalated dramatically after two years of continuous war, with public opinion now firmly demanding that ultra-Orthodox, or Haredi, men shoulder equal responsibility in military service. The longstanding exemption, granted in 1948 to a small group of religious scholars, has grown into one of the most divisive issues in Israeli society.
The country’s High Court ruled these exemptions illegal nearly 20 years ago, and temporary arrangements were finally halted last year, legally obligating the government to begin drafting Haredi men. Yet in practice, the change has barely materialised. Of 24,000 draft notices issued last year, only about 1,200 Haredi men reported for duty, according to military testimony.
Tensions have since spilled onto the streets. Parliament is now debating a new draft bill that would compel ultra-Orthodox men into military service alongside other Jewish Israelis. The backlash within Haredi communities has been fierce, with extreme factions targeting two Haredi politicians in recent weeks for allowing the legislation to move forward.
In one alarming incident, a special Border Police unit was forced to rescue Military Police officers confronted by hundreds of ultra-Orthodox men attempting to prevent the arrest of a suspected draft-evader. The confrontations have prompted the creation of a new community alert system known as “Black Alert,” designed to rapidly mobilise protesters whenever arrest attempts occur.
The unrest underscores a broader struggle over national identity. Many ultra-Orthodox Jews argue that Torah study is essential to Israel’s spiritual survival and serves as a form of divine protection for soldiers. This belief still anchors life inside institutions like the Kisse Rahamim yeshiva in Bnei Brak, where teenage boys pore over religious texts from morning until deep into the night.
Rabbi Tzemach Mazuz, head of the yeshiva, insists that prayer and study are Israel’s true defence. “Come at one in the morning, and you will see half the guys studying Torah,” he said. “By studying Torah, we protect the soldiers wherever they are. This is our army.”
Yet outside these walls, Israeli society has shifted. The ongoing strain on reservists, the prolonged conflict, and the growing Haredi population — now 14% of the country — have intensified demands for equality. What was once an exemption for a few hundred men now covers a cohort of more than 60,000.
Opinion polls reflect this change. A recent survey by the Israel Democracy Institute found overwhelming support for sanctions on draft-evaders, including among voters of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s conservative Likud party. Many Israelis argue that the current system is untenable and unfair.
“It makes me feel there are people living in this country without giving anything back,” said one off-duty soldier in Tel Aviv. Another resident, Gabby, said she had no doubt: “However religious you are, you don’t get an excuse not to serve your country.”
Support for expanding the draft is also emerging from within religious communities outside the Haredi world. Dorit Barak, who maintains a memorial for fallen soldiers in Bnei Brak, said she sees the inequality firsthand. “I also believe in the Torah, but we must hold both the Book and the Sword,” she said. “That’s the way forward.”
The demographic shift within Bnei Brak itself highlights the changing reality. The last soldier from the neighbourhood died in 1983. As Barak notes, this is because almost no one serves there anymore.
The Israel Defense Forces has attempted to bridge the gap by establishing special units tailored for Haredi service. Still, the proposed draft bill would go much further. Netanyahu claims it will bring 10,000 yeshiva students into service within two years — a measure he calls “a real revolution.”
But the bill has split the political landscape and even the ruling coalition. Ultra-Orthodox parties, crucial to Netanyahu’s hold on power and his legal survival as he faces corruption charges, demand the draft exemption remain intact. The issue has already caused two previous Netanyahu governments to collapse.
The current bill attempts to walk a fine line. It would draft only those ultra-Orthodox men not enrolled in full-time religious study and remove all penalties for draft-dodgers once they turn 26. Critics say the legislation maintains the status quo and fails to meet court requirements.
Opposition leader Yair Lapid denounced the proposal as a “disgrace” and a “betrayal,” vowing to block it. Even within Likud, dissent is growing. Former National Security Adviser Tzachi Hanegbi compared the bill to “an instrument of evasion that endangers the future of the state,” noting proudly that he and his sons all served extensively.
Some Haredi parties appear ready to accept the bill, seeing its leniency as a political lifeline. Degel HaTorah, one of the most hardline factions, is reportedly considering supporting it — a move that may signal quiet acknowledgement that change is unavoidable.
Still, many Haredi leaders remain resistant. Rabbi Mazuz refrained from taking a firm political stance but warned that faith, not legislation, guides events. “The world is guided by God,” he said. “Israeli prisons are not like those in Russia. We will get through this too.”
As Israel approaches a new election year, the Haredi draft crisis has emerged as the most volatile political challenge facing Netanyahu. The clash is no longer just about military service — it is about the country’s future identity, the balance of religion and state, and the responsibilities all citizens share in a nation still at war.
Whether lawmakers can find a compromise or whether the crisis will topple the government remains an open question, but what is certain is that Israel stands at a historic crossroads.